On Russia
The road ahead for U.S-Russia Relations.
A special thanks to the Weiser Diplomacy Center and the International Policy Center (housed at the Ford School) for putting on such an informative event.
Last week, I had the privilege to listen to Dr. Ciorciari in conversation with Secretary Stephen Beigun and Dr. Alina Polyakova to discuss the options moving forward as tensions remain high between two powerful nations: U.S and Russia.
As someone with a BA in International Studies, and an insatiable appetite for foreign policy, I am almost embarrassed that Russia has never really been a country I’ve given my attention to.
I rarely stay engaged in Russian politics (as of late, I’ve been super obsessed with the Canadian and German elections).
Attending this event made perfect sense given that Putin will be serving yet another term as leader of Russia, and we currently have an American president who has served on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and has an in-depth knowledge of Europe as a whole.
Here are just some of the notes I took:
Russia is not a monolith (Russia does not equal Putin). Outside of his rule, is an entire nation with a rich culture, history, and identity. One way Americans can stay engaged with Russia is through cultural exchange and peer-to-peer contact— more study abroad, efforts to learn the language, and more. In this way, we can get rid of whatever stigma we might unconsciously have about the ways we think or live and can get to know each other at our own accord.
Cooperation between our two countries has shrunk- we no longer exchange ideas, our militaries don’t cooperate or communicate, and for better or worse this has real repercussions.
What motivates Russia’s foreign interests/strategies? Ironically, even though Russia does not have the capabilities, alliances, or structures that the U.S has, Putin sees Russia as a global power, and himself as a global actor with an active seat at the table, oftentimes aligning his interest’s with the President of China, Jinping, to undermine U.S politics.
From the U.S’s perspective we need to find better ways to interact and partner with NGOs and civil societies on the ground that advance human rights for all Russians, especially for Russian youth.
Navalny is crucial to Russian politics. He arguably was the only person who successfully could mobilize across the country and Putin knows this— which can explain (but not justify) the active attempts to discredit him and even poison him.
Like many around the world, social media has become such an important information-sharing tool and mobilizing platform to help social movements gain traction. That is no different for the youth of Russia. In fact, even for Navalny, Youtube was a powerful platform because it wasn’t state-controlled. Western social media platforms create space for conversations, not otherwise allowed. But what happens when Russian workers at places like Apple or Google are being harassed? Or when voting apps are purposefully removed from download?
What is the role of the private sector in the face of human rights abuses?
Why does the U.S stay silent?
It is safe to say that for the past few presidencies, Russia has not been a top foreign policy priority (instead it has been China). What has been the consequence of this shift?
We cannot talk about the relationship between Russia and the U.S, without talking about the relationship between the U.S and Ukraine.
What is the future of cyber attacks? How equipped is the U.S to respond to technological threats and the fast-paced nature of new information and cyber systems?
How do we incentivize European allies to fulfill their obligations and partner-sharing contributions to NATO?
Is Russia’s relationship with China purely transactional? Is their a true partnership outside of simply trying to shift the global order?
I realize now that I have more questions than answers, but I am grateful for the opportunity to listen to two experts discuss their concerns and hopes for the U.S-Russia relationship!
cover image by https://unsplash.com/@verdealbastrui